OLALEKAN ODUNTAN

Thursday, 29 May 2025

ALBERT ROGER MILLER

Albert Roger Miller known as Roger Milla, is a Cameroonian former professional footballer who played as a forward. He was one of the first African players to be a major star on the international stage. He played in three World Cups for the Cameroon national team.

Milla was capped 77 times for the national team, scoring 43 goals. Milla made his first appearance for Cameroon in 1973 versus Zaire in a World Cup qualifier.

He made his World Cup debut in also what is considered to be the maiden World Cup appearance for Cameroon when they qualified for the 1982 FIFA World Cup after winning both their final round matches against Morocco at the 1982 FIFA World Cup qualification for the African Zone. Milla played an instrumental role in helping Cameroon to qualify for the 1982 World Cup by top scoring in the 1982 FIFA World Cup qualification for the African Zone competition.

He endured mixed emotions at 1982 FIFA World Cup having a goal disallowed against Peru in their first match. Cameroon went out with three draws from their three first-round games. Two years later, he was part of the squad competing at the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, California.

Milla was also an integral member of the Cameroonian squad which won the 1984 African Cup of Nations where Cameroon defeated Nigeria 3-1 in the final to secure Cameroon's 🇨🇲 first ever continental title. He was a key member of the Cameroonian side which emerged as runners-up to Egypt in the final of the 1986 African Cup of Nations and he received the best player award in the tournament for being the top goal scorer with 4. He was also named in 1986 African Cup of Nations team of the tournament.

He was also the joint top goalscorer in the 1988 African Cup of Nations with 2 goals alongside Algeria's Lakhdar Belloumi, Abdoulaye Traoré of Ivory Coast and Gamal Abdelhamid of Egypt. He once again played a vital role in Cameroon's trumph at the 1988 African Cup of Nations and for his noteworthy performances throughout the tournament, he was adjudged as the player of the tournament and was also included in the 1988 African Cup of Nations team of the tournament.

In 1988, at the age of 36, Milla celebrated his early retirement from international football with a jubilee in Cameroon 🇨🇲.

However, in 1990, he received a phone call from the President of Cameroon Paul Biya, who pleaded with him to come out of international retirement and rejoin the national team. He agreed, and went to Italy with the Indomitable Lions for the 1990 World Cup, where he would cause a sensation. It was revealed that Paul Biya wanted Milla to play in the World Cup after watching Milla play in an exhibition charity match which was played at Douala where Milla went on to score two goals. Following the insistence of the Cameroonian President, Milla decided to make a comeback to international football by making an official announcement in May 1990.

It is also reported that most of the Cameroonian teammates and the national head coach Valery Nepomnyashchy who is a Russian did not want Milla to be part of the 1990 FIFA World Cup. Biya issued a decree summoning him to return to the national side and Biya officially signed the decree requesting and compelling the coach to pick him for the World Cup squad.

It was also reported that the renowned sportswriters in Cameroon along with fans began a campaign to recall Milla back to the national team following Cameroon's embarrassing display during the 1990 African Cup of Nations in Algeria where Cameroon crashed out from the group stage with defeats to The Gambia and Senegal.

1990 World Cup:

Milla scored all his four goals in the tournament as a substitute as he started every game of the tournament on the bench. He started in the second half in four out of five World Cup matches and appeared in the first half once. His two crucial goals came in the second half of the match against Romania within just two minutes in extra time where he once again appeared as a substitute and following his heroics, he was hailed as a hero in Cameroon.

It was the coach Valery Nepomnyashchy who decided to bring in Milla a bit earlier in the game against Romania knowing full well that a victory would secure Cameroon's spot in the knockout stages and the coach later acknowledged the importance of Milla after his important late cameo in Cameroon's remarkable upset victory over defending world champions Argentina. He was the oldest outfield player to feature in the 1990 FIFA World Cup and was the second oldest player during the tournament after England's Peter Shilton.

Milla was capped 77 times for the national team, scoring 43 goals. Milla made his first appearance for Cameroon in 1973 versus Zaire in a World Cup qualifier.

In 1988, at the age of 36, Milla celebrated his early retirement from international football with a jubilee in Cameroon 🇨🇲.

1990 World Cup:

The 38-year-old Milla emerged as one of the tournament's major stars. He scored four goals in Italy, celebrating each one with a dance around the corner flag that has become a popular goal celebration ever since. Two of his goals came against Romania in Cameroon's second game, and two more came in extra time against Colombia in the last 16 to carry Cameroon to the quarter-finals, the furthest an African team had ever advanced at the World Cup (Senegal and Ghana matched this feat in 2002 and 2010 respectively, whilst Morocco surpassed it by reaching the semi-finals in 2022).

In the quarter-final match against England, Milla confirmed his super-sub legend by entering in the second half with Cameroon trailing 1–0 and drawing a penalty and then setting up a goal for Ekeke to give Cameroon a 2–1 lead, before England later scored two penalties, to win 3–2 after extra time. Due to his performances in Italy, he was once again named African Footballer of the Year.

His second goal celebration against Colombia became iconic across the world, and was used by Coca-Cola as seen in ads like the 2010 World Cup Coca-Cola advertisement.

1994 World Cup:

Milla returned to the 1994 FIFA World Cup at the age of 42, being the oldest player ever to appear in a World Cup until the 2014 tournament when Colombia's Faryd Mondragón entered in a group stage match versus Japan when 43 years and 3 days old. Mondragon's record in turn was beaten by Essam El Hadary in 2018.

Cameroon were knocked out in the group stages; however, Milla scored a goal against Russia, setting a record as the oldest goalscorer in a World Cup tournament, breaking the record he had set in 1990. His final international appearance came in a friendly against South Africa in December 1994.

At the time of his retirement, he was regarded as the all-time topscorer from African region in FIFA World Cup finals with five goals and his record was eventually surpassed by Ghana's Asamoah Gyan.

Friday, 23 May 2025

Was Ancient Egypt a “Black” Civilization? Let’s Look at the Facts

In today’s debates, many confuse geography with identity. It’s time to clarify what science, archaeology, and genetics actually tell us—beyond emotional claims or modern political agendas.

Yes, Egypt is in Africa.

But that doesn't mean it was a Sub-Saharan or “Black” civilization in the modern racial sense—nor was it European. Ancient Egypt was a unique Northeast African civilization, shaped by centuries of interaction with the Nile Valley, the Sahara, the Levant, and the Mediterranean.

What does DNA say?

A landmark 2017 genetic study published in Nature Communications (by the Max Planck Institute) analyzed mummies from Abusir el-Meleq, spanning 1,300 years of Egyptian history. The findings showed:

Ancient Egyptians were genetically closer to ancient Levantine and Anatolian populations (modern-day Middle East),

And had less Sub-Saharan African ancestry than modern Egyptians today—proving how much gene flow happened after ancient times.

What about Egyptian art?

The ancient Egyptians portrayed themselves with reddish-brown skin, different from both:

Nubians, who were painted with darker skin,

And Libyans/Asiatics, who were shown with lighter skin or different features.

→ They had a strong sense of distinct identity and consistently differentiated themselves from neighboring groups.

🌍 And “Kemet” doesn’t mean ‘land of Black people’.

The name Kemet refers to the black fertile soil of the Nile, not the color of the people.

→ The popular interpretation of it as a racial term is linguistically inaccurate.

So what’s the truth?

Egypt is African? Yes.

Ancient Egyptians were Sub-Saharan Black Africans? No.

Egypt had a distinct civilization, not defined by modern racial labels? Absolutely.

Respecting history means respecting the evidence.

Let’s honor Ancient Egypt as the extraordinary civilization it truly was—not as a tool for modern identity politics.

Thursday, 22 May 2025

NEGRO JEWS

“King John II in 1492, expelled all the Jews to the island of St. Thomas, and to other Portuguese settlements on the continent of Africa; and from these banished Jews, the black Portuguese, as they are called, and the Jews in Loango, who are despised even by the very Negroes, are descended.”

SOURCE;

(The Critical Review, Or, Annals of Literature; Volumes 57-58; 1783)

In 1492, many Jews were forced to either convert to Christianity or leave Portugal. Those who left found refuge in Portuguese colonies, including places in Africa.

Over time, their descendants in regions such as Angola and other Portuguese colonies would become known as “black Portuguese,” signifying their mixed Jewish-Portuguese ancestry.

Loango, an area in West Central Africa, is mentioned here as home to Jews who were descended from the Portuguese Jews.

The phrase “despised even by the very Negroes” reflects the social prejudice faced by these Jewish descendants in the region, as they were considered outsiders by the local African populations.

“A remarkable fact in the history of Loango is that the country contains—according to a statement which was fully credited by Oldendorp, himself a writer of most correct judgment and of unimpeachable veracity, many Jews settled in the country, who retain their religious rites, and the distinct habits which keep them isolated from other nations”

“Though thus separate from the African population, they are black, and resemble the other Negroes in every respect as to physical characters”

SOURCE;

(James Cowles Prichard, Researches Into the Physical History of Mankind: Ethnography of the African races; 1837).

To put it another way, the black Portuguese Jews who settled in Loango appeared physically identical to the indigenous black Africans.

In the reign of John II of Portugal nearly 700 Jews were taken from their kin and deported to the island of São Tomé on the west coast of Africa.

This island is close to Nigeria, Cameroon, and Gabon.

Escaping from São Tomé the Jews emigrated to the coast of Angola between 1484 and 1499.

They must have settled in several Portuguese colonies and over the centuries mixed with the indigenous black population.

Near the Congo in Gabon in 1776 black Jews, called Bavumbu (or even Mavambo, Mayomba, May or Mavumbu), lived on the coast of Luango by the river named the Rio Muni.

SOURCE;

(Cambridge University Press, European Journal of Sociology; Vol 61; 2020)

OLAWALE ROTIMI

Olawale Gladstone Emmanuel Rotimi, best known as Ola Rotimi (13 April 1938 – 18 August 2000), was one of Nigeria's leading playwrights and theatre directors. He has been called "a complete man of the theatre – an actor, director, choreographer and designer – who created performance spaces, influenced by traditional architectural forms."

Rotimi was the son of Samuel Gladstone Enitan Rotimi a Yoruba steam-launch engineer (a successful director and producer of amateur theatricals) and Dorcas Adolae Oruene Addo an Ijaw drama enthusiast. He was born in Sapele, Nigeria; cultural diversity was a recurring theme in his work. He attended St. Cyprian's School in Port Harcourt from 1945 to 1949, St Jude's School, Lagos, from 1951 to 1952 and the Methodist Boys High School in Lagos, before travelling to the United States in 1959 to study at Boston University, where he obtained a BA in fine arts. In 1965, he married Hazel Mae Gaudreau; Hazel also studied at Boston University, where she majored in opera, voice and music education. In 1966 he obtained an MA from Yale School of Drama, where he earned the distinction of being a Rockefeller Foundation scholar in playwriting and dramatic literature.

Rotimi often examined Nigeria's history and local traditions in his works. His first plays, To Stir the God of Iron (produced 1963) and Our Husband Has Gone Mad Again (produced 1966; published 1977), were staged at the drama schools of Boston University and Yale, respectively.

Upon returning to Nigeria in the 1960s, Rotimi taught at the University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), where he founded the Ori Olokun Acting Company, and Port Harcourt. Owing, in part, to political conditions in Nigeria, Rotimi spent much of the 1990s living in the Caribbean and the United States, where he taught at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota. In 2000 he returned to Ile-Ife where he lectured in Obafemi Awolowo University till his demise. Hazel (his wife) died in May 2000, only a couple of months before Rotimi's death.

His later dramas include The Gods Are Not to Blame (produced 1968; published 1971), a retelling of Sophocles' Oedipus Rex in imaginative verse; Kurunmi and the Prodigal (produced 1969; published as Kurunmi, 1971), written for the second Ife Festival of Arts; Ovonramwen Nogbaisi (produced 1971; published 1974), about the last ruler of the Benin empire; and Holding Talks (1979).

Later plays, such as If: A Tragedy of the Ruled (1983) and Hopes of the Living Dead (1988), premiered at the University of Port Harcourt and was a common play in Obafemi Awolowo University Drama Department. The radio play Everyone His/Her Own Problem, was broadcast in 1987. His book African Dramatic Literature: To Be or to Become? was published in 1991.

Rotimi, a patriot who shunned the attraction of the West and Europe and returned home to contribute his own quota to nation building, was a rare breed. Diminutive in size but a giant in drama in Africa, he was one of the best things that could have happened to the literary community.

His dream of directing a play of 5000 cast members materialised at the Amphi Africa Theater when he was being put to rest as the crowd was drawn to a manuscript of the day's program outline. People made dramatic entry and exit to the stage around his casket with the man turning his casket.

Rotimi spent the second half of his last creative decade reworking two of his plays – Man Talk, Woman Talk and also Tororo, Tororo, Roro – and the result, unpublished at the time of his death in 2000, have now been published under the title The Epilogue. were probably meant as an epilogue to both Rotimi's theatrical and comic careers, which span the entire spectrum of his career.

It is comical and the language used is a version of "Nigerian English" (for example: "Se you get?" "I called God on him").

The works are also a social satire and this publication will spur renewed interest in his satires. Rotimi is sure to be remembered as a model in the literary genre whose views have shaped the conduct of the theatre and whose plays have demonstrated the power of drama to shape the thinking of the society and attempted to solve some of the problems encountered in everyday living.

#Africa #Nigeria #World

President Donald Trump And President Cyril Ramaphosa

In a heated Oval Office meeting, U.S. President Donald Trump confronted South African President Cyril Ramaphosa with a controversial video promoting a far-right conspiracy theory about so-called “white genocide” in South Africa. The video, which has circulated in extremist media circles, falsely claims that white farmers in South Africa are being systematically targeted and killed in what amounts to racial persecution.

Trump used the video to attack South Africa’s land reform policies, accusing the Ramaphosa administration of enacting measures that discriminate against the white minority. He specifically criticized efforts to redistribute land—aimed at correcting centuries of colonial and apartheid-era dispossession—as a threat to white property owners. He also condemned the country’s affirmative action laws, portraying them as unjust and racially biased.

Observers have condemned Trump’s remarks as reckless and inflammatory. Human rights organizations and independent researchers have repeatedly debunked the “white genocide” myth, noting that while violent crime affects all South Africans, there is no evidence of a racially targeted campaign against white farmers. In fact, the majority of South Africa’s murder victims are Black, and the country’s violent crime crisis is deeply rooted in poverty, inequality, and historical injustice.

Ramaphosa, caught off guard by Trump’s aggressive posture, reportedly defended his government’s efforts to address land inequality—a legacy of colonialism and apartheid that left millions of Black South Africans dispossessed. South Africa’s land reform aims to restore dignity and economic opportunity to those historically denied access to land, not to incite division.

Trump’s decision to elevate a debunked and racially charged narrative in a formal diplomatic setting reflects his alignment with white nationalist ideologies, both during and after his presidency. Critics say this confrontation not only undermines U.S.-Africa relations but also inflames racial tensions and spreads dangerous misinformation under the guise of concern.

By bringing far-right propaganda into high-level diplomacy, Trump once again used his platform to legitimize conspiracy theories while ignoring the lived realities of systemic injustice and inequality faced by the majority of South Africans.

Saturday, 17 May 2025

Africa Was Never Poor It Was Only Divided

Africa was never poor; it was only divided. This powerful statement reframes the narrative that has long been imposed on the continent. For decades, Africa has been described through a lens of poverty, conflict, and dependency. However, this portrayal ignores the continent’s immense natural, cultural, and human wealth. Africa is home to a vast array of resources from oil, gold, and diamonds to fertile lands and massive renewable energy potential. Its youthful population is the youngest and fastest-growing in the world, representing not a burden, but the greatest opportunity for growth and innovation.

The idea of African poverty is largely a myth reinforced by colonial and postcolonial structures that benefited from division. During colonization, artificial borders were drawn, splitting ethnic groups, communities, and resources across new “countries” without regard for indigenous connections. After independence, many African leaders continued to operate within these fractured systems, prioritizing national interest over continental unity. Ethnic, religious, and linguistic differences were politicized, creating mistrust among people who, in truth, had coexisted for centuries. As a result, unity became elusive, and the continent remained fragmented and vulnerable to exploitation.

Africa’s diversity is often portrayed as a challenge, but in reality, it is a powerful asset. Each ethnic group, language, and tradition holds a key to innovation, resilience, and identity. When harnessed through unity and collaboration, this diversity can lead to unmatched strength. The problem is not diversity, but disunity. Division has allowed foreign interests to exploit Africa’s resources cheaply, pit nations against each other, and prevent large-scale economic or political solidarity.

In this context, the role of the African youth becomes critical. Today’s young people are more educated, more connected through technology, and more aware of the global dynamics than any generation before them. They are increasingly rejecting the politics of division and recognizing their shared destiny. They understand that for Africa to thrive, it must rise together. Young people are building businesses that cross borders, using digital tools to connect and collaborate, and creating art, music, and literature that inspire unity and pride in African identity.

Africa’s path to greatness lies not in aid from the West or borrowed economic models, but in continental solidarity. If African nations united their markets, harmonized their policies, and spoke with one voice in global affairs, they would no longer be seen as weak. Instead, they would be respected as a powerful block with unmatched potential. A united Africa could develop its own technologies, manufacture its own goods, and feed its own people. It could trade internally, keep wealth circulating within the continent, and negotiate globally from a position of strength.

To change Africa’s story, we must first change our mindset. We must reject the lie of poverty and embrace the truth of abundance. We must teach our children that being African is not a disadvantage, but a source of pride and power. We must build systems that encourage cooperation, not competition, among our nations. We must celebrate our differences while striving toward a common goal: the complete liberation and renaissance of Africa.

The message is clear, Africa was never poor. It was divided by history, weakened by borders, and blinded by borrowed ideologies. But the time for awakening is now. When Africa unites, it will not only rise it will lead.

Rabee'u Garba Ruwan Godia

George Owino: Story of Man Behind Big G, Kenya's Biggest Chewing Gum

Meet Sir George Owino also known as Big George aka Big G. He was the brains behind the concept of the gum that became super famous in Kenya.He was the first employee at Wrigley East Africa when in started operations in Kenya in 1971.

In the aughts and approximately three decades prior, the Big G was the biggest chewing gum brand beloved by the old, the young and everyone in between. It was a household name.

Its distinct larger size (as compared to other pellets in the market), red cover branding, and yellow wording made the product conspicuously stand out from the fold.

Very few people, however, can put a face to the founding of the now-ubiquitous chewing gum named after the late Sir George Owino.

Owino's journey to the top began in 1971 when he broke history by becoming the first-ever Kenyan employee at the then newly launched Wrigley Company in the country. The company is the force behind some of the beloved chewing gums such as Juicy Fruit, Double Mint and Orbit

At his new workstation, he was hired as a marketer but according to reports, he was not entirely impressed by the pellets that formed a huge chunk of the chewing gum market.

Owino wanted a slightly bigger gum and so the Big G was born. At the time, it was the first gum to be manufactured in such a size in the world, differentiating itself in the market.

When the product hit the shelves, an intense marketing strategy to popularise it countrywide was launched and by 1983, it was already competing with the market leaders.

With the success came promotions. Sir George then grew up the ranks in the company which had then expanded its operations to several countries on the continent.

He later became the chairman of Wrigley’s in East Africa.

Born in 1941, Owino rose from a humble background as the only child of Patrick Owidh and Maria Obiero. He proceeded to Sega Primary School from where he proceeded to Shimo la Tewa Intermediate School.

He served as Wringley's Chairman to his retirement in 1998 and passed away in July 2004.

By Maxwell Macharia

Isaiah Kehinde Dairo: He blessed our souls with music

He was known as I.K. Dairo (1930-1996), the pioneering Nigerian musician often hailed as the "Father of Juju Music." He was the first African musician to receive the Member of the British Empire (MBE) honor from Queen Elizabeth II in 1963 for his cultural contributions.

I.K. Dairo was instrumental in popularizing Juju music both in Nigeria and internationally. He introduced the amplified accordion to the genre and blended traditional Yoruba rhythms with Western instruments and Christian themes. His band, the Blue Spots, achieved significant acclaim, performing at major international festivals and recording numerous hits. Dairo's influence paved the way for future Nigerian music icons and solidified his legacy in the global music scene.

Thursday, 15 May 2025

OFARNYI KWEGYA

The Great Fisherman: Ofarnyi Kwegya, The Statue Of The Giant That Arrived From Ancient Egypt to Ghana Erected At Moree In The Central Region 🇬🇭 🇬🇭

Ofarnyi Kwegya was part of Asebu Amanfi and his group of people that arrived from Ancient Egypt to present day Asebu town in the Central Region of Ghana. Asebu Amanfi and Ofarnyi Kwegya were both giants according to oral traditional history.

Asebu Amanfi on his arrival moved inland and founded Asebu township. Ofarnyi Kwegya was a master fisherman who settled on the coast due to the abundance of Mɔrolɛ (Stingray) in the rivers, henceforth the name Mɔrolɛ or Moree.

The late Ofarnyi Kwegya was the greatest fisherman ever to have lived in Ghana. After his death, no fisherman has been able to equal his achievements. Ofarnyi Kwegya was a master fisherman who was able to capture huge number of fishes due to his size.

His fishing activities took him and his men to several parts of the coast of present day Central Region. He settled in Moree, Winneba and other parts of the coast due to his fishing activities.

#Africa #BlackHistory #Ghana #World

Wednesday, 14 May 2025

MODERN EGYPTIANS, DESCENDANTS OF ARABS & WHITE SLAVES (Mamlukes)

Egypt’s history has seen numerous waves of migration and conquest—from the Hyksos, Persians, and Greeks to the Arabs and Turks—leading to significant genetic mixing and population replacement over millennia.

Each wave introduced new genetic and cultural elements that diluted or replaced earlier populations.

• HYKSOS rule over Egypt: c. 1650–1550 B.C. (Second Intermediate Period).

• KUSHITE (25th Dynasty) rule over Egypt: c. 744–656 B.C.

• ASSYRIAN rule over Egypt: c. 677–655 B.C.

• PERSIAN rule over Egypt: 525–404 B.C. (First Persian Period) and 343–332 B.C. (Second Persian Period).

• GREEK (Ptolemaic) rule over Egypt: 332–30 B.C.

• ROMAN rule over Egypt: 30 B.C.–c. 641 A.D.

• ARAB rule over Egypt: c. 641 A.D.–868 A.D. (Following the Muslim conquest).

The first Turkish dynasty in Egypt was established by Ibn Tulun, who arrived in 868 A.D.

Since then, Turkish influence has been a prominent part of Egypt’s history.

• TURK (Mamluke) rule over Egypt: c. 1250 A.D. - 1516 A.D.

• OTTOMAN TURK rule over Egypt: c. 1516 A.D. - 1918.

It is estimated that over 90% of Egyptians identify culturally and linguistically as Arabs, a result of the Arabization that followed the 7th-century Muslim conquest.

As of August 2024, Egypt’s population is around 114.6 million, meaning approximately 103.1 million Egyptians identify as Arabs.

The genetics of modern Egyptian individuals comprises four distinct ancestry components that sum up to 75% on average.

Egyptians have a Middle Eastern, a European/Eurasian, a North African and an East African component with 27%, 24%, 15% and 9% relative influence, respectively.

27% Arab

24% Turk/Mamluke

15% North African (Mozabite/Amazigh)

9% East African (Oromo, Somali, Punt, Cushitic, Nilotic, Real Egyptians)

mtDNA sequencing revealed that modern Egyptians have haplogroups most frequently found in Europeans (e.g., H, V, T,J, etc.; >60%), Africans (e.g., L with 24.8%) or Asians/East Asians (e.g., M with 6.7%)

SOURCE;

(https://www.nature.com/articles/s41467-020-17964-1?fbclid=IwAR1C9jJqaC2B3fSnwc-1gC2f62iK6_b3GgZ9ulT0h9Ppy0r9_0Frh14_Qm4)

According to the study, the genetic composition of modern Egyptians is predominantly Arab, with 27% of their genetic ancestry attributed to Arab heritage.

This is the largest single component of their genetic makeup, which places Arab ancestry at the forefront of their overall genetic identity.

The study’s data clearly establishes Arab ancestry as the dominant genetic influence in modern Egyptians.

The 24% Turk/Mamluk component in the genetic ancestry of modern Egyptians is an important factor.

A full 51% of modern Egyptians’ ancestry is directly attributed to Arabs and Turks, comprising 27% Arab and 24% Turk/Mamluk.

Robert Davis, in his book Christian Slaves, Muslim Masters, estimates that between 1 million and 1.25 million Europeans, mainly whites, were captured by Barbary pirates and sold as slaves in North Africa and the Ottoman Empire between the 16th and 19th centuries.

He also discusses the widespread practice of enslaving Europeans in North Africa, particularly from the 1530s to the 1780s.

The descendants of these white slaves (octoroons and quadroons) in North Africa often assert their ancestral ties to the region’s original inhabitants.

These assertions are utterly ridiculous, as the historical and genetic evidence clearly shows that their ancestors were either Arabs or captured and enslaved by Barbary pirates, not native to the region, making any claim of direct descent from the original inhabitants both unfounded and disconnected from the actual historical context.

#Africa #BlackHistory #World

SHAKA ZULU

"Shaka Zulu: Warrior King and Founder of the Zulu Kingdom"

In the rolling hills and valleys of what is now South Africa, a fierce and brilliant military leader emerged from the Zulu tribe in the early 19th century, transforming the region and altering the course of history. His name was Shaka Zulu, and his legacy lives on as the founder of one of the most powerful kingdoms in African history.

Shaka Zulu was born in 1787 in present-day South Africa, the son of a Zulu chief and a Nguni-speaking woman.

In his early years, Shaka was exiled from his tribe, but his time spent among other tribes exposed him to different military strategies and weapons. This knowledge, combined with his natural intelligence and charisma, would later make him an unmatched military leader.

Returning to the Zulu, Shaka led a ruthless military campaign against neighboring tribes, uniting them under his rule and establishing the Zulu Kingdom in 1818.

Shaka Zulu's military tactics were as innovative as they were brutal. He introduced a new type of shield called the "iklwa," which was short, stabbing-like, and better suited for close-quarter combat. He also developed a new military formation called the "buffalo horns," in which his warriors encircled their enemies like the horns of a buffalo.

With these tactics, Shaka Zulu's armies were virtually unstoppable. He rapidly expanded the Zulu Kingdom, making it the most powerful state in Southern Africa during his reign.

Shaka Zulu's reign was marked by both incredible military victories and significant loss of life. His legacy has been the subject of much debate, with some portraying him as a cruel and tyrannical ruler while others celebrate him as a national hero and an inspirational leader.

One thing is certain—his impact on African history cannot be overstated. The Zulu Kingdom he founded would go on to inspire resistance movements against colonial rule, and his name continues to evoke pride and remembrance among the Zulu.

ADORNMENT AND IDENTITY: THE LANGUAGE OF TRADITIONAL AFRICAN CLOTHING

Traditional African clothing is far more than mere fabric and thread; it's a vibrant language, a visual narrative woven with threads of history, culture, and identity. Across the vast continent, diverse textiles, intricate patterns, and unique garment styles communicate a wealth of information about social status, ethnic affiliation, and cultural heritage. From the flowing robes of West Africa to the intricate beadwork of the East, each element tells a story, revealing the rich tapestry of African societies.

Textiles: The Foundation of Expression

The very materials used in African clothing speak volumes. Locally sourced materials like cotton, silk, wool, and animal hides form the foundation of many garments. In West Africa, handwoven cotton fabrics like Kente and Adinkra cloth are particularly significant. Kente cloth, originating from Ghana, is a brightly colored, patterned fabric with each design holding specific symbolic meanings related to historical events, proverbs, or spiritual concepts.

Similarly, Adinkra cloths are stamped with symbols that convey messages of mourning or other important occasions. In East Africa, colorful printed cotton garments known as Kanga and Kikoi are widely used. The choice of fabric often reflects the climate and available resources of a region, but it also carries cultural weight, with certain materials being associated with specific groups or ceremonies.

Patterns: A Visual Vocabulary

Patterns in African clothing are not merely decorative; they form a complex visual vocabulary. Geometric shapes like diamonds, triangles, and zigzags are common, often carrying symbolic meanings. For example, parallel zigzags can represent the difficult path of life, while chequerboard patterns symbolize the separation of knowledge and ignorance. Symbolic motifs, drawn from nature or everyday life, add another layer of meaning.

Animals, plants, and even abstract designs can represent proverbs, historical events, or social values. The Ashanti tribes of Ghana, for instance, are known for Adinkra robes stamped with motifs that tell stories or recount proverbs. The colors used in patterns also hold significance, with red often representing tension or spiritual moods, and green symbolizing growth and prosperity.

Garment Styles: Form and Function

The style of a garment, its cut, and its embellishments, further contribute to its communicative power. In West Africa, flowing robes like the Agbada, worn by men in Nigeria, signify wealth and status. The Buba and Iro, traditional garments for Yoruba women, reflect modesty and elegance. The Dashiki, a loose-fitting shirt, is popular across West Africa and symbolizes African pride.

In East Africa, the Maasai people are known for their distinctive clothing, including the Shuka, a rectangular cloth draped over the shoulders or wrapped around the body. Beadwork and jewelry are also integral to Maasai attire, with different colors and patterns conveying specific meanings. In Southern Africa, the Zulu people use colorful beadwork and elaborate headdresses to express identity and social status.

Clothing as Cultural Identity

Traditional African clothing serves as a powerful marker of cultural identity. It connects individuals to their heritage, their community, and their ancestors. Wearing traditional attire is a way of honoring one's roots and showcasing the diversity and richness of African cultures.

In many African societies, clothing is worn to mark special occasions, such as weddings, funerals, and religious ceremonies. These garments often feature specific colors, patterns, and styles that are unique to the event and the community.

Even in modern contexts, traditional clothing continues to be a source of pride and a way to express cultural affiliation.

Clothing and Social Status

Beyond ethnicity and cultural identity, clothing also communicates social status. Historically, certain fabrics, patterns, and garment styles were reserved for royalty or individuals of high rank. The quality of materials, the intricacy of designs, and the abundance of embellishments could all indicate wealth and power. For example, Kente cloth was originally worn by the Ashanti royalty and continues to be associated with prestige. In some cultures, specific garments or accessories are worn by married women or individuals who have achieved certain milestones, signaling their social position within the community.

In conclusion, traditional African clothing is a rich and multifaceted language. It speaks through textiles, patterns, garment styles, and embellishments, conveying information about ethnicity, cultural identity, and social status. It is a testament to the creativity, ingenuity, and cultural depth of the African continent, a vibrant expression of heritage that continues to evolve and inspire.

#AfricanCulture #AfricanHistory #African #Africa #World

Origins of the Moonwalk: Who Really Slid First?

Spoiler: Michael Jackson didn’t invent it. But he did immortalize it.

Before MJ glided across the stage in 1983 and made jaws hit the floor, the Moonwalk already had mileage—decades of it. The move was older than Thriller, older than Motown, older than MJ himself.

Enter Jeffrey Daniel (on the right on the picture): Shalamar singer, Soul Train dancer, and one of the smoothest movers Britain had ever seen. In 1982, he performed the backslide live on Top of the Pops. British teens thought he was defying gravity. But to dancers from LA to Lagos, this was old-school sorcery.

Want to go further back? In 1955, tap dancer Bill Bailey did a version. Before him? Marcel Marceau mimed it. Cab Calloway slid through the swing era with similar finesse. Even footage from the 1930s shows performers ghost-walking across stages before “moonwalk” was a word.

So no, the moonwalk didn’t drop from outer space. It was passed down like a secret scroll among Black dancers—refined, rehearsed, and reborn in every generation.

But here’s where things got cosmic:

When Michael Jackson saw Jeffrey Daniel dance, he called him. Not a “nice performance” DM. A direct request to learn everything. Daniel, along with Geron “Casper” Candidate and Derek “Cooley” Jackson, trained MJ in popping, locking, and yes—the backslide.

Then came 1983. Motown 25. “Billie Jean.” One iconic white glove. And the rest is pop-culture permanence.

What MJ did was genius: he rebranded a dance known in street circles as the “backslide” into the sleek, space-age “Moonwalk.” He added his weightlessness, froze time, and made it a moment.

But don’t confuse branding with inventing. The move came from the streets, not from sequins.

So next time someone says “Michael Jackson invented the moonwalk,” give them the smile of someone who knows better—and then moonwalk away.

Sunday, 11 May 2025

🇿🇲 MISS WORLD ZAMBIA 2025 | Faith Bwayal

Faith Bwalya is a 24-year-old Zambian model, medical professional, and humanitarian advocate from Kitwe, Zambia. She was crowned Miss World Zambia 2025 on April 20th in Lusaka.

■ Professional Background

Faith holds a medical licentiate and is actively engaged in healthcare initiatives. She is the founder of The Voice of Faith Foundation, an organization dedicated to humanitarian advocacy. In addition to her medical and philanthropic work, she is a professional model signed with ARM Model Management.

■ Pageant Achievements

Prior to her Miss World Zambia title, Faith represented Zambia in the 30th edition of Top Model of the World. She is set to represent Zambia in the 72th edition of Miss World.

At her coronation, Faith wore a culturally significant costume titled “Daughter of the Land: The Spirit of Zambia,” designed by Ivhu Tribe. The ensemble featured cowry shells symbolizing fertility and divine femininity, golden wings representing freedom, a gold-feathered skirt symbolizing Zambia’s mineral wealth, and miniature elephant sculptures denoting power and leadership.

■ Social Media Presence

Faith maintains an active presence on Instagram, where she shares insights into her professional endeavors and advocacy work.

#Zambia #MissZambia #MissWorld #BeautyPageant #Africa #AfricanFashion

Friday, 9 May 2025

HISTORY LESSON

Justin responds to this picture by admitting there were black people in ancient Egypt but they had to be imported as slaves, by the Sahara desert before 3000 BCE. Who is going to tell him?

Justin Anderson made a lot of the usual rookie errors you get when someone tries to rewrite African history while standing on sand dunes of fiction. His claim that Black Africans only entered Egypt via slavery—starting before Egypt even existed—is like saying the British royal family arrived on an EasyJet flight from Western Europe.

Let’s break this mirage down.

■ Mistakes the trans-Saharan slave trade for a time machine.

Justin claims there was a “trans-Saharan slave trade” before the Sahara was even a desert. The Sahara didn’t become a full-blown desert until about 3000–2500 BCE. Before then, it was a lush savanna—the “Green Sahara”—filled with lakes, cattle herders, and complex societies like those at Nabta Playa and Gobero. So no, caravans were not trudging through a desert that didn’t exist, prior to Africa adopting camels. That’s like describing a Viking cruise through the Amazon rainforest in the Ice Age.

■ Cites pharaohs like Sneferu as slave raiders before Egypt had cities.

Sneferu ruled in the 4th Dynasty (c. 2600 BCE), long after Africans from Southern Egypt had unified the two lands, and developed as a civilization. Before that time, there were established kingdoms south of Egypt like Ta-Seti (c. 3800 BCE) and Qustul (c. 3500 BCE) that had already influenced Egyptian kingship, burial, iconography, and wore the shendyt kilt. So claiming Sneferu was the “start” of south-to-north African contact is like saying Steve Jobs invented Latin.

■ Confuses indigenous Nile Valley trade relations with “slave routes.”

The Nile wasn’t a “slave route.” It was a civilizational highway where cultural and kinship ties ran deep between what is now southern Egypt and northern Sudan. The earliest Egyptian iconography, pottery, and grave goods came from the south. Qustul tombs, predating Narmer, had royal regalia before dynastic kings wore them. That’s cultural diffusion northward—not human trafficking.

Trade relations were far more sophisticated than white supremacist fantasies which tried to justify their own atrocities by accusing ancient people of selling Africans. Trade is based on supply and demand of goods not locally available. Inscriptions at Deir el-Bahri, Hatshepsut's temple at Karnak, and the tomb of Senmut tell us about trade expeditions to Present-day Somalia. This was an important region for trade and commerce located in the Horn of Africa, and was known for its exotic goods such as incense, myrrh, and ebony. The ancient Egyptians sometimes referred to Punt as "God's Land" or "Land of the Gods." No mention of importing slaves, or negative dismissive attitude towards the inhabitants of Punt.

■ Forgets the “desert” was a corridor of civilization.

The so-called “trans-Saharan trade” only became a slave-trading route many centuries after Egypt’s Old Kingdom, especially during the Islamic era (post-7th century CE). Before that, Saharan networks were used for migration, herding, and knowledge—not mass human trafficking. D’Atanasio et al. (2018) even found lineages like E-M78, E-M2, A3-M14 and R-V88 radiating from the Green Sahara toward Egypt and West Africa during 12,000-4,400 years ago, not the other way around. That’s population movement, not abduction.

■ Claims Nubians were slaves when they were co-founders.

Ta-Seti, centered in what is now northern Sudan, existed well before Dynasty 0. Its culture and regalia—crowns, palettes, royal imagery—directly shaped early Egypt. The alignments of Giza first show up in Nabta Playa, Nubia. And yet Justin wants us to believe these people needed to be brought in as slaves? That’s like claiming Lord Horatio Nelson learned to command British naval forces after being kidnapped by the Phoenicians.

■ Misrepresents Egypt’s language as non-African.

Egyptian is Afroasiatic—a language family that originated in Africa: THE MOST ATTESTED LANGUAGE FAMILY IN ACADEMIA. The deepest branches of Afroasiatic (like Omotic) are only found within the African continent. Semitic, found in the Levant and Arabia, is just one small offshoot. Egyptian has more lexical and phonological overlap with Cushitic and Chadic languages of Africa than anything spoken in ancient Mesopotamia. Saying Egypt’s language proves it wasn’t African is like saying English isn’t European because it shares words with Hindi.

■ Cherry-picks slavery to explain African DNA.

Justin’s argument requires Black Africans to be imported via slavery, but ancient DNA proves otherwise. Ancient Upper Egyptian remains (e.g., Abusir el-Meleq doesn’t even apply here, being northern and late) carry Y-DNA haplogroups like E-M78, A3-M13, E-V12, and R-V88—all with African origins and radiations from Sudan, the Green Sahara, and the Sahel (D’Atanasio 2018, Hollfelder 2021). Those haplogroups aren’t markers of slavery—they’re evidence of native African continuity. Peer-reviewed studies of Ramesses III imply 10 of the pharaohs of the 20th dynasty carried E-M2. Were all 10 pharaohs also slavery imports? How delusional to equate unsubstantiated private thoughts with hard science!

■ Confuses African aesthetics for foreign imports.

Egyptian statuary, murals, and tomb paintings depict individuals with dark reddish-brown skin, broad noses, and tightly curled hair—especially in the Old and Middle Kingdoms. These are not features of “slaves” brought from abroad. They’re national depictions of deities like Horus, kings, priests, and nobles. The black granite seated statue of Pharaoh Mentuhotep II, who re-unified Egypt, is as visibly African as the continent that birthed him. No one imports kings.

■ Misuses medieval manuals to backdate a late-era slave trade.

Slave manuals and white-black slave classifications are products of the Islamic medieval period, not the Old or Middle Kingdom. Justin is confusing caliphs with khatabs, mamluks with Medjay. You don’t get to backdate medieval bureaucracy into 3000 BCE to suit your political agenda.

■ Ignores classical sources that contradict him.

Greek and Roman authors like Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, and Strabo all described Egyptians as dark-skinned and closely related to Ethiopians and other African peoples. Diodorus (Book 3) directly states that Egypt was founded by Black people from the South. Did they also need to be enslaved to enter their own homeland?

■ Claims African presence needs explaining, while ignoring their ownership of the terrain.

This is the heart of Justin’s mistake. Egypt is in Africa. Black Africans don’t need an excuse to be there. They were already there. The Nile flowed downstream from Sub-Saharan Africa. It was Egypt that needed the South to exist, not the other way around. You don’t smuggle builders into their own house.

■ Slavery is not a creation story.

No one denies slavery existed in ancient times. But slavery does not explain the demographic foundation of a civilization. You don’t build pyramids, draft astronomical calendars, and codify divine kingship using people you supposedly “just imported.” Egyptians were not shaped by slaves—they were shaped by their own ancestral continuum stretching deep into Saharan and Nilotic Africa.

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Justin’s argument is what happens when someone finds a medieval footnote and tries to use it as the preface to a 5000-year history.

He took a valid phenomenon—the trans-Saharan slave trade—and dropped it into 3000 BCE like it was a GPS pin, hoping no one would notice the Sahara was still a tropical savanna at the time, that Egypt’s founders were southern neighbors, not prisoners, and that African genetics, linguistics, and culture were the source—not the cargo.

What Justin’s really trying to do isn’t history—it’s intellectual eviction. He wants Black Africans to be tenants in their own civilizational story.

But the lease was never up.

They didn’t come to Egypt.

They were Ta-Mery.

#Africa #World

PRINCE AMBENHERKHEPSHEF

Prince Amenherkhepshef, the ninth on the list of sons of Rameses III was given the titles of 'king's scribe' and 'great commander of the cavalry', as well as the more common "king's son of his body whom he loves'. His father and grandfather were Pharaohs, and carried Y-DNA haplogroup E1b1a.

This fact debunks 7 stereotypes and tropes about ancient Egypt:

(1). The “Non-African” Trope: The association of Y-DNA haplogroup E1b1a with the royal lineage of ancient Egypt, including Prince Amenherkhepshef, and his father and grandfather, demonstrates a strong connection to African ancestry. Haplogroup E1b1a is widely found among African populations, which counters narratives that attempt to distance ancient Egyptians from Africa and portray them primarily as Middle Eastern or European.

(2). The “Egypt as Isolated and Separate from Africa” Trope: The acknowledgment of African haplogroups within Egypt’s royal line reaffirms that ancient Egypt was deeply rooted in Africa, challenging views that depict Egypt as culturally and ethnically distinct or separate from its African neighbors.

(3). The “Egyptian Elite Were Non-African” Stereotype: Claims suggesting that the Egyptian elite were primarily of “non-African” origin are contradicted by evidence showing that Pharaohs, including Rameses III and his descendants, carried Y-DNA haplogroups associated with African heritage. This challenges misconceptions that only non-Africans ruled Egypt while Africans were relegated to subordinate roles.

(4). The “All Foreign Influence” Trope: The emphasis on Egyptian royalty as culturally and genetically African highlights the indigenous origins of their power and achievements, rejecting tropes that overemphasize foreign influence or the idea that Egypt’s grandeur was derived from external sources like the Levant or Europe.

(5). The “Egypt as a Monolithic Entity” Trope: Recognizing the complexity of lineage, titles, and roles within Egypt, including military and scribal leadership, underscores that ancient Egyptian society was multifaceted, with its leaders holding diverse roles reflecting a sophisticated and evolving civilization. This goes against the stereotype of Egypt as a static and monolithic culture.

(6). The “Royal DNA is less important than Commoner DNA” Trope: The genetic evidence from Pharaohs like Rameses III carrying Y-DNA haplogroup E1b1a demonstrates that DNA testing of royal or elite remains holds far greater historical and cultural importance than random DNA tests from broader populations. Royalty often had significant influence on culture, politics, and societal structures, making their genetic heritage a critical reflection of historical identity, lineage, and connections. Random tests lack this historical depth and cannot reveal specific ancestral influence or legacy.

(7). The “Tanned Skin Tone” Trope: This depiction and narrative further debunk the trope that ancient Egyptians deliberately used brown to depict tanned skin based on foreign Cretan art conventions. Unlike the symbolism-driven art of Crete, Egyptian representations, like that of Prince Amenherkhepshef, consistently used reddish-brown to depict native Egyptians, reinforcing their African heritage and challenging claims that intentionally misinterpret symbolic art conventions to deny Egypt’s African roots.

By bringing in the genetic evidence and the diversity of roles within royal titles, this narrative counters oversimplified depictions of Egypt’s racial and cultural identity, emphasizing its African roots and internal complexity.

Tomb:

QV55 is located at the western end of the main Wadi, and is oriented along a Northeast-Southwest axis, similar to QV 52 and QV 53. A long entry Ramp(A) leads into chamber (B) with a side chamber (Ba) to the north. Chamber (B) is followed by burial chamber (C) with side chamber (Ca) to the north and ends in a low-ceilinged rear chamber (D). This rear chamber (D) contains a granite Sarcophagus. The entry ramp has modern masonry Steps replacing the previous wooden steps. Extensive sunken relief painted plaster survives throughout the tomb. Though once evidently boldly colored, the general appearance is now abraded and the colors appear somewhat faded.

QV 55 belongs to Amenherkhepshef, the ninth on the list of sons of Rameses IIIat Medinet Habu. There he is given the name of Rameses-Amenherkhepshef and is listed as having died, something which probably occurred before year 30 of the reign of Rameses III. He should not be confused with his predecessor, Amenherkhepshef, son of Rameses II. He was given the titles of 'king's scribe' and 'great commander of the cavalry', as well as the more common "king's son of his body whom he loves'. Nowhere is he given the title 'king's eldest son.' Judging by the location of his tomb, it is believed that he was a son of queen Tyti, whose tomb (QV 52) is in the same area. He may not even have been buried in the QV but in KV 13, where excavations revealed a re-carved sarcophagus of Tausertwith his name. A partial stelae showing his image was found at the Sanctuary to Ptahand Meretseger, probably an ex-voto by craftsmen who worked on his tomb, and a relief from Karnak and a fragment of a stela from Deir el-Medina also bear his name.

Ernesto Schiaparellifollowed the trace of the ancient dam and found the upper part of the entrance ramp to the tomb in 1904. At its discovery, part of the plastered wall, which originally sealed the entrance, remained in situ. The tomb was empty except for a few funerary objects and an unfinished sarcophagus. The sarcophagus was found in corridor C, but was re-located to Chamber D to allow passage through the narrow space. The Italian mission also constructed surround walls and a vaulted cover over the entrance and installed a heavy metal door. Elizabeth Thomas(1959-60) noted that the entrance had been re-sealed with plaster after thieves had broken through, and Guy Lecuyot suggests that the tomb location was lost during the Third Intermediate Period. The Franco-Egyptian Mission carried out investigations in the tomb in 1988. Currently the tomb is open to visitation, except for side chambers (Ba) and (Ca) that are closed off. Glass barriers, fluorescent lighting, and wooden flooring have been installed. Previously, low wooden barriers were used. There are no barriers around doorway leading into the burial chamber and in chamber D.

LOCATION

Valley of the Queens, Main Valley

West Bank, Luxor

Elevation: 117.166

Northing: 97,899.465

Easting: 93,859.378

Modern governorate: Qena

Ancient nome: 4th Upper Egypt

Surveyed by TMP: Yes

OWNER

Prince Amenherkhepshef

#Africa #World #History

HISTORY LESSON

Ancient Egypt: It is Only in Africa, but shares no burial or language connections with Africa

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Tom made a lot of the typical mistakes individuals with ill-informed opinions about Egyptian history make:

■ Hasn’t done basic research to identify the roots of Predynastic and Old Kingdom Egyptian, which was a Black African language—not a European or Asian language.

■ Hasn’t done basic analysis of archaeological findings to trace the origins of the white crown or the shendyt kilt to Nubia, the astronomical alignments of Giza to Nabta Playa, or the hieroglyphic symbols to Qurta Rock Art.

■ Mistakes language families for racial identities, wrongly assuming that because Egyptian is Afroasiatic (like Semitic), it must be non-African—ignoring the fact that Afroasiatic is an African-rooted family that stretches deep into the Horn and Sahel.

■ Confuses geographic overlap with genetic origin, citing vague “Caucasoid” DNA (a debunked racial category) while ignoring core African Y-DNA haplogroups like E-M78, E-M2 (particularly E-V5001, E-V5280, and E-V4990), A3-M13, and R-V88 found in ancient Upper Egyptians and Saharans during 12.30 kya to 4.49 kya by D’Atanasio et al 2018. Three branches of E-M78 in particular have their roots in the Green Sahara: 12.30 kya for E-V264, 11.01 kya for E-V22 and 10.01 kya for E-V12.

■ Projects cultural influence backward in time, claiming Nubians “copied” Egypt, despite Ta-Seti, Nabta Playa, Gobero, and Qustul tombs predating Dynastic Egypt—when the flow of influence clearly went south-to-north.

■ Assumes absurd counterfactuals like Egyptians needing to have Zulu or Swahili names to be African—as if modern languages retroactively define ancient identity.

■ Turns melanin into a joke, mocking African skin tone relevance while ignoring that early Egyptian art consistently portrayed people with treasure trove of 45 to 50 reddish-brown hues—and that pigmentation was biologically adaptive to the African environment, and the UVB exposure levels of a population that developed locally within Egypt and Northeast, during 5,000-10,000 years ago.

⸻

Tom’s comments are what happen when you try to remove Africa from Egypt but forget a Map Exists!

He said: “Egyptians were born in Africa. That’s about the only correct thing in that whole post.”

You know a rebuttal is going to be brilliant when it starts by conceding that Egypt is, in fact, in Africa—like that’s some minor geographical footnote and not the entire point. That’s like saying, “Mozart was born in Europe, but let’s not get carried away and start calling him European.”

🌍 Let’s start with the continent you tried to ghost.

Egypt is geographically African. But not just that—it is ecologically, genetically, linguistically, and culturally African too, especially in its foundational phases. North Africa is not a suburb of Europe or an extension of Mesopotamia. No matter how hard the pseudo-anthropological GPS is shaken, it won’t redraw the borders. Egypt formed in an African desert, by an African river, from populations that came primarily from the South and Sahara, not Europe or Arabia.

■ Now, the DNA gymnastics.

“They share their DNA with Caucasoids in the Middle East and even Europe.” This part is always rich. First, Caucasoid is a 19th-century racial fantasy, not a scientific classification. It’s the zoological version of astrology—popular, pseudoscientific, and utterly useless for explaining ancient populations.

Secondly, even the most misused study—Schuenemann et al. 2017—was conducted on late-period mummies from Northern Egypt, during eras of foreign occupation. And guess what? Even that study was criticized for excluding Southern Egyptians, which other research (e.g., D’Atanasio 2018, Hollfelder 2021) has shown to carry ancient lineages like E-M2, A3-M13, and R-V88, all rooted deep in Black Africa.

And when whole-genome analyses did look further south (see Keita 2022; Sirak 2021), they found significantly more sub-Saharan autosomal components—not less.

So, if Egyptians “share DNA” with Middle Easterners, it’s because Africa shared its people with the rest of the world long before any Semitic languages were even whispered.

■ Next: Linguistic Jenga.

“They wrote a language closely related to Semitic languages.” Correct—but only if you understand what closely means in a 12,000-year language family. Ancient Egyptian is Afroasiatic, but so is Hausa in Nigeria. So is Omotic in Ethiopia. So is Berber in Mali. Afroasiatic is an African language family, first reconstructed by scholars like Joseph Greenberg and later refined by people like Christopher Ehret—not a suitcase Semitic languages brought from the Levant.

Semitic is one branch, not the trunk. The core vocabulary and grammatical structures of Egyptian—such as its pronouns, roots for body parts, numerals, and kinship terms—line up with African patterns found far to the south, including Cushitic and Chadic languages.

Nobody was speaking Swahili in 3000 BCE. But that’s like saying Newton couldn’t be British because he didn’t speak modern Cockney slang. Languages evolve; regions don’t swap hemispheres.

And by the way, if Zulu or Swahili had appeared on the Nile in 3100 BCE, your argument would likely be: “That’s obviously fake. Those are sub-Saharan languages.” So… circular logic is doing overtime here.

■ And now: burial traditions.

You said Egyptian burial customs were “partially unique” and “partially common with Middle Eastern and European traditions.” Fascinating. Which European customs are you referring to? Are you thinking of the ritualistic mummification, soul boats, Saharan tumuli, or perhaps the painted cowhide burials of the pre-Dynastic Badarian people? Because none of those are European.

What actually is documented are Southern African burial connections: similarities between early Egyptian and Nubian C-group burials (before Nubia “copied” anything), and strong links to Saharan pastoralist funerary styles going back to 7000 BCE.

Also, let’s address this awkward attempt at slandering Nubians for “copying Egypt 1000 years later.” The Ta-Seti kingdom—documented as far back as 3800 BCE—preceded Dynastic Egypt. Its rulers were buried in tumulus graves before Narmer united the Nile Valley. So if there was copying, Egypt was not the original, but the remix.

Tom also didn’t know the oldest known mummy is from Southern Libya—not Egypt. Over 1,000 years older than Egypt’s earliest mummies (Fogg et al., 2000). Mummification started deep in Africa. Oops!

You can’t accuse someone of plagiarism when they handed you the pen.

■ Cultural symmetries? Let’s talk art and symbolism.

Egyptian statuary, skin tones, braided wigs, musical instruments, cattle culture, and divine kingship all scream Nile-to-Sahel continuum. Not Danube-to-Delta. The visual canon—from the Gebelein predynastic mummies to the black granite seated statues of Mentuhotep II—show brown and reddish-brown men with clearly African phenotypes, not “olive-skinned Caucasoids.” If your only answer is “skin tone isn’t race,” then congratulations—you’ve finally made a valid point. But unfortunately, you were the one who brought up skin tone.

Also: olive skin is a modern, post-agricultural Eurasian trait with very recent evolutionary origins (see Norton et al. 2007). It’s not how we identify ancient peoples. The earliest Egyptians, like the early Saharan herders, were likely dark-skinned Africans adapted to equatorial sun and life in open plains—just like their genetic cousins across the Sahel and the Green Sahara.

■ So what was Egypt, really?

Egypt was a cultural crescendo of indigenous African innovation—fueled by Nubian, Saharan, and Nile Valley contributions. Its religion tracked the stars using models similar to Sub-Saharan cosmologies. Its economy was based on domesticated African grains and cattle. Its mythology—full of river gods, animal-headed deities, and balance-based cosmology—has more in common with the Dogon than with the Greeks.

So if you’re looking for Middle Eastern roots, you’re welcome to explore influence—but not origin. Just like Rome was influenced by Greece without being Greek, and the United States was influenced by Britain without being English, Egypt was influenced by neighbors but made in Africa, by Africans.

■ Let’s try a thought experiment.

If a civilization arises:

● on African soil,

● from an African population,

● using an African-rooted language,

● with African burial, cattle, and agricultural systems,

● and was acknowledged by ancient writers (Herodotus, Diodorus) as African…

…then what mental gymnastics are required to say “they were basically just tanned Caucasoids”?

This isn’t scholarship. This is identity laundering with a thesaurus.

■ Finally, let’s tackle the closing jab:

“And if you think only Africans can have brown/beige/olive skin, you’re even more delusional than I thought.”

But nobody said that. Africans aren’t claiming the patent to melanin. We know already the word Sub-Sahara is not a skin colour. The issue is not who can be brown, but who made Egypt. The ancestral DNA, the linguistic lineages, the material culture, and the spiritual cosmologies all triangulate one answer: Black Africans. Not tourists. Not visitors. Not olive-skinned step-cousins. And not a roving band of Euro-Asiatic “Caucasoids” with tomb envy.

Egypt belongs in African history the way Beethoven belongs in European music: foundational, not borrowed.

⸻

TL;DR: You tried to argue that Egyptians weren’t really African—even though they were born in Africa, spoke an African-rooted language, practiced African customs, and shared ancestry with African populations. All while using 19th-century racial terms and 21st-century internet emojis.

The only part that wasn’t African was the argument itself.

#Africa #World #History

Thursday, 8 May 2025

Who Was the Great Wilt Chamberlain?

An odyssey through dominance, disbelief, and double-doubles

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The Scoring Storm

If basketball is a symphony, Wilt Chamberlain’s scoring feats were a volcanic drum solo in the middle of Mozart. He wasn’t just prolific—he was primordial. In 1962, he dropped 100 points in a single game —a record so unapproachable it has become basketball’s Bigfoot. Not only is he the only player to ever score triple digits, but he also owns the second-most points in a game (78), most points in a season (4,029), and highest season scoring average (50.4 PPG). That’s not just dominance—it’s statistical warfare.

Imagine scoring 50+ points in a game… 118 times. For context, Michael Jordan managed that feat 31 times, and he had his own sneaker empire. Wilt? He did it so often, the scorekeepers needed ice packs. He once averaged 65+ points over four straight games. If today’s NBA stars look like superheroes, Wilt was a mythological force—Heracles with a hook shot.

He also set records for most 60-point games (32), most 40-point games in a season (63), and most consecutive 30-point games (65)—a streak that makes modern scoring binges look like mood swings. Even his rookie season started like thunder: 58 points in one game, 37.6 PPG average. Most players peak after years of growth. Wilt came in like Zeus with a clipboard.

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The Rebounding Reign

You know you’re doing something right when your name dominates both ends of the court. Wilt didn’t just snatch rebounds—he harvested them like a demigod during famine. His career average? An outrageous 22.9 rebounds per game—a figure so far above current norms it belongs in the clouds.

He still owns the record for most career rebounds (23,924) and most rebounds in a game (55)—against Bill Russell, no less. For reference, in today’s NBA, grabbing 15 boards is a good night. Wilt could hit that in a half. As a rookie, he pulled down 1,941 rebounds, averaging 27 per game. And he wasn’t doing this against high schoolers—these were hardened pros in a more physical era, playing with fewer whistles and no load management.

In the playoffs, he became the Atlas of rebounding. He once gathered 444 boards in a single postseason, with game highs of 41 and half-time hauls of 26. Whether it was 3-game, 5-game, or 7-game series, he set the rebound record for all of them. Bill Russell was his only peer, and even he shared the mountain peaks with Wilt. But here’s the kicker: Wilt never averaged fewer than 18 rebounds in any season. His grip on the glass was eternal.

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The Ironman Identity

Wilt didn’t just dominate games—he devoured them whole. The man played more minutes per game (45. than there are minutes in regulation (48)—how? Overtime, sure, but Wilt played nearly every minute of every game. In 1961–62, he averaged 48.53 minutes per game—out of a possible 48. That’s right: he rested a total of 8 minutes all season. Just long enough to check his hair.

He never fouled out. Not once. In 14 NBA seasons, playing center—basketball’s most bruising position—he averaged only 2 fouls per game. That’s like being a lion that never scratches anything. He holds records for most complete games in a season (79), most consecutive complete games (47), and most minutes played in a season (3,882).

Wilt was a living monument to endurance. He also holds the record for most minutes in a playoff series, most minutes in a Finals, and highest postseason minutes per game (47.24). For today’s stars, a 40-minute game gets you a massage and a rest day. Wilt? He’d run laps around your trainer while quoting Shakespeare.

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The Versatility Volcano

How do you make a 7-foot scoring machine more terrifying? Give him elite passing vision and balance. In 1967–68, Wilt led the NBA in assists, becoming the only center—and only non-guard—to ever do so. He had a season where he averaged 24 points, 24 rebounds, and 8 assists. The math stops adding up because Wilt was doing calculus in a checkers league.

He holds the record for most double-doubles (968) and most consecutive double-doubles (227). He was the first man to ever record a double triple-double (20+ points, rebounds, and assists), and did it while winning, not chasing stats. He even had multiple double quadruples—40+ in two categories—in regulation, back when box scores were recorded with chisels.

Wilt’s triple-doubles weren’t just cute: he once dropped 53 points, 32 rebounds, and 14 assists in one game. In another, 22 points, 25 rebounds, 21 assists. This was not normal. This was Prometheus with post moves.

Even defensively—despite blocks not being recorded—eye-witnesses say he once had 25 blocks in a game. The official NBA block record? 17. And that was set after Wilt retired.

⸻

The Immortal Legacy

What kind of legacy do you leave when you’ve already rewritten every statistical book? You redefine greatness itself. Wilt won two NBA championships and made six Finals appearances, even though his rivals stacked super-teams before the term existed 🧊. He won four MVPs, made 13 All-Star appearances, and was so respected the NBA renamed the Rookie of the Year trophy in his honor in 2022.

He led the league in scoring 7 times, rebounding 11 times, and assists once—making him the only player in history to lead the league in all three major statistical categories. Jordan? Magic? LeBron? They’ve all acknowledged Wilt as a unique anomaly.

All four teams he touched—Warriors, 76ers, Lakers, and the Harlem Globetrotters—retired his #13 jersey. His records are so towering they feel less like stats and more like ancient scripture. Watching highlights of Wilt is like viewing footage of a superhero on sabbatical: skyhooking from half court, dunking without jumping, and whispering to rebounds before pulling them down like rainclouds.

⸻

Final Whistle: Who Was Wilt Chamberlain?

He wasn’t just a basketball player. He was a statistical avalanche, a physical anomaly, a walking contradiction: a giant with finesse, a scorer with humility, a bruiser with ballet feet. Wilt Chamberlain didn’t just play the game—he played with the game. And for over a decade, the game chased him. Sometimes it still does.

Wilt wasn’t just great.

He was the gold standard that greatness measures itself against.

He was basketball’s Big Bang—and we’re still living in its echo.

#WiltWasHere

Tuesday, 6 May 2025

Oke Idanre Hill – Full Historical Account

(1). Geographic and Natural Context

Oke Idanre is located about 15 kilometers southwest of Akure, the capital of Ondo State.

The hill rises over 3,000 feet (approximately 914 meters) above sea level and spans about 800 square kilometers.

It features a unique landscape of ancient granite outcrops, valleys, streams, and thick forests.

(2). Ancient Human Settlement

The hill was home to the Idanre people for over 800 years, making it one of the oldest known continuously inhabited places in southwestern Nigeria.

According to oral history, the Idanre people migrated from Ile-Ife, led by a royal leader named Olofin Aremitan. They settled at Oke Idanre to find safety and spiritual guidance.

The settlement on the hill was not only a defense strategy (due to elevation) but also had religious significance.

(3). Key Historical Structures on the Hill

You can still find ruins and preserved landmarks of the ancient settlement:

■ Owa’s Palace

The residence of the traditional ruler (Owa of Idanre) before the relocation.

Built with traditional mud and stone techniques.

■ Ancient Courtroom (Ibi Akoso)

This was where the king and elders settled disputes and maintained law and order.

■ Old Primary School

One of the earliest forms of Western education in the region; it served the hilltop community before relocation to the lowlands.

■ Ancient Burial Sites

Burial grounds for past Owas and notable leaders of Idanre, often marked with stone structures.

(4). Sacred and Spiritual Sites

Oke Idanre is deeply spiritual for the people. Some key religious sites include:

■ Agboogun’s Footprint

A mysterious footprint etched into solid rock, believed to belong to a hunter named Agboogun, an early settler and warrior.

Legend says the footprint fits any visitor’s foot regardless of size.

■ Orosun Shrine

Dedicated to the goddess Orosun, a powerful local deity associated with fertility and protection.

Annual festivals and sacrifices are held in her honor.

■ The Old Market and Sacrificial Sites

Spaces where locals once traded and performed ritual sacrifices to gods for rain, good harvest, or protection.

(5). Cultural Beliefs and Practices

Idanre culture is rich with Yoruba cosmology. The people believe the hills are alive and home to spirits.

Traditional festivals like the Orosun Festival attract worshippers and tourists annually.

Only initiated individuals can access some sacred parts of the hill.

(6). Colonial Influence and Relocation

When the British arrived in the early 20th century, they encouraged the people to relocate to the base of the hills for better access to:

Infrastructure (Roads, Schools, Hospitals)

Commerce

Administration

By the 1920s and 1930s, most of the Idanre population had moved downhill, forming what is now known as modern-day Idanre town.

(7). UNESCO Recognition

In 2007, Nigeria submitted Oke Idanre to the UNESCO World Heritage Tentative List, citing:

Its exceptional fusion of natural beauty and cultural tradition.

Its ancient civilization and well-preserved monuments.

It is under review for full heritage site status.

(8). Tourism and Preservation Today

Oke Idanre is a major tourist attraction with 667 steps leading up the hill.

Efforts have been made to preserve its natural ecosystem, historical monuments, and sacred sites.

Local guides share the history and myths with visitors, helping keep oral traditions alive.

QUEEN NZINGA OF NDONGO

Queen Nzinga (1583-1663) of Ndongo who fought Europeans influence & liberated Angola.

Queen Nzinga of Ndongo and Matamba (c.1583–1663) was a brilliant and resilient African leader from what is now Angola. Born a princess of the Mbundu people, her name “Nzinga” came from the Kimbundu word kujinga, meaning "to twist"—a reference to her birth. She rose to prominence in a time of Portuguese colonization and the transatlantic slave trade.

Initially an ambassador for her brother King Ngola Mbandi, Nzinga negotiated a peace treaty with the Portuguese in 1622. Famously, during a diplomatic meeting, she asserted her dignity by having an aide kneel to form a human throne when no seat was offered to her. Despite the treaty, the Portuguese broke their promises and continued their aggression.

After her brother’s death—possibly by suicide or foul play—Nzinga assumed the throne in 1624, though Mbundu tradition barred women from ruling. She converted to Catholicism and took the name Dona Ana de Sousa, using religion and diplomacy as tools to solidify her leadership.

Nzinga fiercely resisted Portuguese colonialism for over 40 years, forming alliances with the Jaga and Imbangala warriors, offering sanctuary to runaway slaves, and undermining Portuguese forces by infiltrating their ranks with loyal agents. She led a counterattack from her new base in Matamba, which she took over after being temporarily exiled.

Nzinga established Matamba as a military and trading power, allying with the Dutch to fight the Portuguese. Although her alliance failed to drive them out completely, she forced a treaty in 1657 that acknowledged her authority. She continued to resist until her death in 1663 at the age of 80.

Nzinga is remembered as one of Africa’s greatest anti-colonial and anti-slavery figures, known for her political acumen, military strategy, and unyielding leadership in defense of her people and land.

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Tuesday, 6 May 2025